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One of many Black Lives Matter signs on the lawns of Colonial Village residents today. That sentiment wasn't shared in the 1930s when a private covenant attempted to keep out Black Americans.

On the Books, Unenforceable: Restrictive Covenant an Echo of Williamstown's Racist Legacy

By Stephen DravisiBerkshires Staff
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Paragraph 'f' of the covenant for a housing development in 1939 is a vestige of a sadder period of our history
WILLIAMSTOWN, Mass. — The language jumps off the page and slaps one in the face.
 
And it smacks of Jim Crow laws and unreconstructed Confederates.
 
It is the kind of thing that 21st-century New Englanders might associate with "the South."
 
But it happened right here in the Village Beautiful, and although it never could be enforced for a variety of reasons, it still is on the books.
 
"No persons of any race other than the white race shall use or occupy any buildings or any lot, except that this covenant shall not prevent occupancy by domestic servants of a different race domiciled with an owner or tenant," reads section "f" of the "Protective Covenants and Restrictions" written when the Colonial Village neighborhood off Main Street (Route 2) was developed in 1939.
 
The racist provision has been unenforceable in the United States for more than 70 years, so it is likely many of the neighborhood's residents have never heard of it, much less considered it when moving to the area.
 
Nevertheless, it is one clause among nine mostly benign restrictions attached to the residential lots that are home to dozens of town residents. It is tucked in between, "No noxious or offensive trade or activity" and "No trailer, basement, tent, shack, garage, barn or other outbuilding … shall at any time be used as a residence."
 
The seemingly routine reference to racial purity, if anything, makes it more insidious to a contemporary reader.
 
An article by the non-profit Fair Housing Center of Greater Boston notes that such racially restrictive private covenants became common after the northern migration of Black Americans in the post-Civil War era and a 1917 decision by the U.S. Supreme Court that ruled governments could not racially segregate neighborhoods based on zoning.
 
"The practice of using [private] racial covenants became so socially acceptable that in 1937 a leading magazine of nationwide circulation awarded 10 communities a 'shield of honor' for an umbrella of restrictions against the 'wrong kind of people,' " the Fair Housing Center's article reads. "The practice was so widespread that by 1940, 80% of property in Chicago and Los Angeles carried restrictive covenants barring Black families."
 
Restrictive covenants were found to be constitutional by the Supreme Court in its 1926 Corrigan vs. Buckley decision.
 
"The Supreme Court of the United States acknowledged, sadly, the legality of racial covenants," Williamstown real estate attorney Stanley Parese said. "During this period of time, as horrific as this is to look at today, this was legal as defined by the Supreme Court. And it gets on the land records in 1939 during the time it was a terrible but lawful thing to do."
 
It took more than two decades for the Supreme Court to begin to rectify the Corrigan decision. The chance came in 1949, and the unanimous court found in the case of Shelley vs. Kramer that governments cannot enforce racially restrictive covenants because of the 14th Amendment of the U.S. Constitution.
 
"Whatever else the framers [of the amendment] sought to achieve, it is clear that the matter of primary concern was the establishment of equality in the enjoyment of basic civil and political rights and the preservation of those rights from discriminatory action on the part of the States based on considerations of race or color," Chief Justice Fredrick Moore Vinson wrote in the opinion. "Seventy-five years ago this Court announced that the provisions of the Amendment are to be construed with this fundamental purpose in mind."
 
Even that decision was limited in scope.
 
"The Supreme Court said these are not enforceable," Parese said. "You can have private agreements, but you can't come to the state and have the state get involved."
 
That changed in 1968 with the passage of the federal Fair Housing Act, which makes it illegal "To refuse to sell or rent after the making of a bona fide offer, or to refuse to negotiate for the sale or rental of, or otherwise make unavailable or deny, a dwelling to any person because of race, color, religion, sex, familial status, or national origin."
 
A year later, Massachusetts passed Massachusetts General Law Chapter 184, Section 23B, which reads, in part, "A provision in an instrument relating to real property which purports to forbid or restrict the conveyance, encumbrance, occupancy, or lease thereof to individuals of a specified race, color, religion, national origin or sex shall be void."
 
Another provision in the commonwealth's law, MGL Chapter 184, Section 28, passed in 1962, made all real estate restrictions -- many of which were redundant with zoning -- obsolete.
 
"So you have the Supreme Court of the United States saying it's unenforceable, the federal government says it's unlawful, Mass General Law says it's void … it has no operable effect at all," Parese said. "There are four separate stakes, if you will, driven into this thing."
 
That is not to say that housing discrimination ended with the passage of the Fair Housing Act, only that it became illegal under federal law.
 
And yet the Colonial Village covenant -- like untold other unenforceable anachronisms -- remains part of the permanent record and attached to those properties in the commonwealth's Registry of Deeds.
 
"As title searchers, which is what lawyers do, one would look at it and say, 'This is terrible but it's absolutely ineffective,' " Parese said. "I know it sounds like an insensitive thing to say, but as a lawyer searching a title, you're trying to find if something has a legal operative effect … and the answer is, four times over, absolutely not for the past 50 years."
 
Why not simply discard the covenant altogether?
 
Parese said it's possible but unusual for documents in the Registry of Deeds -- which has records going back to the 18th century -- to be altered. He can think of one example where records were erased. In the beginning of the 21st century, the state redacted Social Security numbers from deeds, which are public records, in an effort to combat identity theft.
 
That decision required an act of the Legislature to address a specific criminal activity. Parese, who has been practicing property law in Williamstown since 1988, declined to hazard a guess what the procedure would be to strike the covenants from the record.
 
"[Changing the record] is exceedingly rare in my experience, but I don't want to speak to it as something that's either easily done or impossible to do," he said. "I just don't know because I haven't undertaken that exercise."
 
But another question is whether it should be undertaken: Does destroying the public record of the now unenforceable yet reprehensible provisions only serve to sweep a racist legacy under the rug?
 
Parese said that from his standpoint, there could be a case for leaving the hateful words in place as a reminder of the hatred that engendered them.
 
"I'm not saying anything that hasn't been said already, but people have been saying over and over the past few months that this is a time when people need to listen to each other," Parese said. "There needs to be a healthy listening exercise before taking any particular action. And I completely expect that conversation will happen in Colonial Village.
 
"I could see a straight-faced argument that says pretending this thing was never there is not what we should be doing. We should be facing the reality of what this was. It happened, and it's right there in black and white.
 
"It's just profoundly sad."
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Guest Column: Full Steam Ahead: Bringing Back the Northern Tier Passenger Railroad

by Thomas HuckansGuest Column

You only need a glance outside to see a problem all too familiar to Berkshire county: closing businesses, a shrinking population, and a stunning lack of regional investment.

But 70 years ago, this wasn't an issue. On the North Adams-Boston passenger rail line before the '60s, Berkshires residents could easily go to Boston and back in a day, and the region benefited from economic influx. But as cars supplanted trains, the Northern Tier was terminated, and now only freight trains regularly use the line.

We now have a wonderful opportunity to bring back passenger rail: Bill S.2054, sponsored by state Sen. Jo Comerford (D-Hampshire, Franklin, and Worcester), was passed to study the potential for restoring rail from Boston to North Adams. In the final phase of MassDOT's study, the project is acquiring increased support and momentum. The rail's value cannot be understated: it would serve the Berkshire region, the state, and the environment by reducing traffic congestion, fostering economic growth, and cutting carbon emissions. The best part? All of us can take action to push the project forward.

Importantly, the Northern Tier would combat the inequity in infrastructure investment between eastern and western Massachusetts. For decades, the state has poured money into Boston-area projects. Perhaps the most infamous example is the Big Dig, a car infrastructure investment subject to endless delays, problems, and scandals, sucking up $24.3 billion. Considering the economic stagnation in Western Massachusetts, the disparity couldn't come at a worse time: Berkshire County was the only county in Massachusetts to report an overall population loss in the latest census.

The Northern Tier could rectify that imbalance. During the construction phase alone, 4,000 jobs and $2.3 billion of economic output would be created. After that, the existence of passenger rail would encourage Bostonians to live farther outside the city. Overall, this could lead to a population increase and greater investment in communities nearby stops. In addition to reducing carbon emissions, adding rail travel options could help reduce traffic congestion and noise pollution along Route 2 and the MassPike.

The most viable plan would take under three hours from North Adams to Shelburne Falls, Greenfield, Athol, Gardner, Fitchburg, Porter, and North Station, and would cost just under $1.6 billion.

A common critique of the Northern Tier Rail Restoration is its price tag. However, the project would take advantage of the expansion of federal and state funds, namely through $80 billion the Department of Transportation has to allocate to transportation projects. Moreover, compared to similar rail projects (like the $4 billion planned southern Massachusetts East-West line), the Northern Tier would be remarkably cheap.

One advantage? There's no need to lay new tracks. Aside from certain track upgrades, the major construction for the Northern Tier would be stations and crossings, thus its remarkably short construction phase of two to four years. In comparison, the Hartford line, running from Hartford, Conn., to Springfield spans barely 30 miles, yet cost $750 million.

In contrast, the Northern Tier would stretch over 140 miles for just over double the price.

So what can we do? A key obstacle to the Northern Tier passing through MassDOT is its estimated ridership and projected economic and environmental benefits. All of these metrics are undercounted in the most recent study.

Crucially, many drivers don't use the route that MassDOT assumes in its models as the alternative to the rail line, Route 2. due to its congestion and windy roads. In fact, even as far west as Greenfield, navigation services will recommend drivers take I-90, increasing the vehicle miles traveled and the ensuing carbon footprint.

Seeking to capture the discrepancy, a student-led Northern Tier research team from Williams College has developed and distributed a driving survey, which has already shown more than half of Williams students take the interstate to Boston. Taking the survey is an excellent way to contribute, as all data (which is anonymous) will be sent to MassDOT to factor into their benefit-cost analysis. This link takes you to the 60-second survey.

Another way to help is to spread the word. Talk to local family, friends, and community members, raising awareness of the project's benefits for our region. Attend MassDOT online meetings, and send state legislators and local officials a short letter or email letting them know you support the Northern Tier Passenger Rail Project. If you feel especially motivated, the Williams Northern Tier Research team, in collaboration with the Center for Learning in Action (CLiA), would welcome support.

Living far from the powerbrokers in Boston, it's easy to feel powerless to make positive change for our greater community. But with your support, the Northern Tier Rail can become reality, bringing investment back to Berkshire County, making the world greener, and improving the lives of generations of western Massachusetts residents to come.

Thomas Huckans, class of 2026, is a political science and astronomy major at Williams College, originally from Bloomsburg, Pa.

Survey: This survey records driving patterns from Berkshire county to Boston, specifically route and time. It also captures interest in the restoration of the Northern Tier Passenger Rail. Filling out this survey is a massive help for the cause, and all responses are greatly appreciated. Use this link.

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